Writing at the end of , Sir Francis Humphreys, Britain's Ambassador in Baghdad, noted that, while before WW I Iraqi Jews had enjoyed a more favorable position than any other minority in the country, since then "Zionism has sown dissension between Jews and Arabs, and a bitterness has grown up between the two peoples which did not previously exist. He was succeeded by his son Ghazi, who died in a motor car accident in The crown then passed to Ghazi's 4-year-old son, Faisal 11, whose uncle, Abd al-llah, was named regent.
Abd al-llah selected Nouri el-Said as Prime Minister. El-Said supported the British and, as hatred of the British grew, he was forced from office in March by four senior army officers who advocated Iraq's independence from Britain. The time was and Britain was reeling from a strong German offensive. Al-Kilani and the Golden Square saw this as their opportunity to rid themselves of the British once and for all. Cautiously they began to negotiate for German support, which led the pro- British regent Abd al- 1 1 a h to dismiss al-Kilani injanuary Basra, Iraq's second largest city, had a Jewish population of 30, On the same day, April 12, supporters of the pro-British regent notified the Jewish leaders that the regent wanted to meet with them.
As was their custom, the leaders brought flowers for the regent. Contrary to custom, however, the cars that drove them to the meeting place dropped them off at the site where the British soldiers were concentrated. Several Muslim notables in Basra heard of the plan and calmed things down. Later, it was learned that the regent was not in Basra at all and that the matter was a provocation by his pro-British supporters to bring about an ethnic war in order to give the British army a pretext to intervene.
The British continued to land more forces in and around Basra. On May 7, , their Gurkha unit, composed of Indian soldiers from that ethnic group, occupied Basra's el-Oshar quarter, a neighborhood with a large Jewish population. The soldiers, led by British officers, began looting. Many shops in the commercial district were plundered. Private homes were broken into. Cases of attempted rape were reported.
Local residents, Jews and Muslims, responded with pistols and old rifles, but their bullets were no match for the soldiers' Tommy Guns. Afterwards, it was learned, that the soldiers acted with the acquiescence, if not the blessing, of their British commanders. It should be remembered that the Indian soldiers, especially those of the Gurkha unit, were known for their discipline, and it is highly unlikely they would have acted so riotously without orders.
The British goal clearly was to create chaos and to blacken the image of the pro-nationalist regime in Baghdad, thereby giving the British forces reason to proceed to the capital and to overthrow the al-Kilani government. Baghdad fell on May Al-Kilani fled to Iran, along with the Golden Square officers. Radio stations run by the British reported that Regent Abd al-llah would be returning to the city and that thousands of Jews and others were planning to welcome him.
What inflamed young Iraqis against the Jews most, however, was the radio announcer Yunas Bahri on the German station "Berlin," who reported in Arabic that Jews from Palestine were fighting, alongside the British against Iraqi soldiers near the city of Faluja. The report was false. On Sunday, June 1, unarmed fighting broke out in Baghdad between Jews who were still celebrating their Shavuoth holiday and young Iraqis who thought the Jews were celebrating the return of the pro- British regent.
That evening, a group of Iraqis stopped a bus, removed the Jewish passengers, murdered one and fatally wounded a second. About 8: 30 the following morning, some 30 individuals in military and police uniforms opened fire along el-Amin Street, a small downtown street whose jewelry, tailor and grocery shops were J ewish-owned. By 11 AM, mobs of Iraqis with knives, switchblades and clubs were attacking Jewish homes in the area. The riots continued throughout Monday, June 2.
During this time, many Muslims rose to defend their Jewish neighbors, while some Jews successfully defended themselves. Other estimates, possibly less reliable, put the death toll higher, as many as , with from to 2, injured. From to 1, stores and more than 1, homes and apartments were looted.
Who was behind the rioting in the Jewish quarter? Yosef Meir, one of the most prominent activists in the Zionist underground movement in Iraq, known then as Yehoshafat, claims it was the British. Meir, who now works for the Israeli Defense Ministry, argues that in order to make it appear that the regent was returning as the savior who would reestablish law and order, the British stirred up the riots against the most vulnerable and visible segment in the city, the Jews.
And, not surprisingly, the riots ended as soon as the regent's loyal soldiers entered the capital. Furthermore, I think his claims should be seen as based on documents in the archives of the Israeli Defense Ministry, the agency that published his book. Yet, even before his book came out, I had independent confirmation from a man I met in Iran in the late Forties. His name was Michael Timosian, an Iraqi Armenian. On June 2, 1, however, he was working at the Baghdad hospital where many of the riot victims were brought.
Most of these victims were Jews. Timosian said he was particularly interested in two patients whose conduct did not follow local custom. One had been hit by a bullet in his shoulder, the other by a bullet in his right knee. After the doctor removed the bullets, the staff tried to change their bloodsoaked clothes. But the two men fought off their efforts, pretending to be speechless, although tests showed they could hear. To pacify them, the doctor injected them with anesthetics and, as they were sleeping, Timosian changed their clothes. He discovered that one of them had around his neck an identification tag of the type used by British troops, while the other had tattoos with Indian script on his right arm along with the familiar sword of the Gurkha.
The next day when Timosian showed up for work, he was told that a British officer, his sergeant and two Indian Gurkha soldiers had come to the hospital early that morning. Staff members overheard the Gurkha soldiers talking with the wounded patients, who were not as dumb as they had pretended. The patients saluted the visitors, covered themselves with sheets and, without signing the required release forms, left the hospital with their visitors. Today there is no doubt in my mind that the antijewish riots of were orchestrated by the British for geopolitical ends.
David Kimche is certainly a man who was in a position to know the truth, and he has spoken publicly about British culpability. In responding to hostile questions about Israel's invasion of Lebanon and the refugee camp massacres in Beirut, Kimche went on the attack, reminding the audience that there was scant concern in the British Foreign Office when British Gurkha units participated in the murder of Jews in the streets of Baghdad in Zionist conquests in Palestine, particularly the massacre of Palestinians in the village of Deir Yassin, emboldened the anti-British movement in Iraq.
When the Iraqi government signed a new treaty of friendship with London in January , riots broke out all over the country. The treaty was quickly abandoned and Baghdad demanded removal of the British military mission that had run Iraq's army for 27 years. Later in , Baghdad sent an army detachment to Palestine to fight the Zionists, and when Israel declared independence in May, Iraq closed the pipeline that fed its oil to Haifa's refinery.
Abd al-llah, however, was still regent and the British quisling, Nouri el-Said, was back as Prime Minister. I was in the Abu-Greib prison in , where I would remain until my escape to Iran in September The center was a favorite meeting place for young J ews. The first bomb thrown directly at Jews occurred on April 8, , at PM. Four people were seriously injured. That night leaflets were distributed calling on Jews to leave Iraq immediately. The next day, many Jews, most of them poor with nothing to lose, jammed emigration offices to renounce their citizenship and to apply for permission to leave for Israel.
So many applied, in fact, that the police had to open registration offices in Jewish schools and synagogues. On May 10, at 3 AM, a grenade was tossed in the direction of the display window of the Jewish-owned Beit-Lawi Automobile Company, destroying part of the building.
No casualties were reported. On June 3, , another grenade was tossed from a speeding car in the El- 3atawin area of Baghdad where most rich Jews and middle class Iraqis lived. No one was hurt, but following the explosion Zionist activists sent telegrams to Israel requesting that the quota for immigration from I raq be increased. The explosive struck a high-voltage cable, electrocuting three Jews, one a young boy, Itzhak Elmacher, and wounding over 30 others.
Following the attack, the exodus of J ews jumped to between per day. Zionist propagandists still maintain that the bombs in Iraq were set off by anti-J ewish Iraqis who wanted Jews out of their country. The terrible truth is that the grenades that killed and maimed Iraqi Jews and damaged their property were thrown by Zionist Jews. One is dated March 16, , the other April 8, The difference between these two is critical. Both indicate the date of publication, but only the April 8th leaflet notes the time of day: 4 PM.
Why the time of day? Such a specification was unprecedented. Even the investigating judge, Salaman El- Beit, found it suspicious. Did the 4 PM writers want an alibi for a bombing they knew would occur five hours later?
If so, how did they know about the bombing? The judge concluded they knew because a connection existed between the Zionist underground and the bomb throwers. Information Service library and in synagogues. Soon leaflets began to appear urging Jews to flee to Israel Although the Iraqi police later provided our embassy with evidence to show that the synagogue and library bombings, as well as the anti-Jewish and anti-American leaflet campaigns, had been the work of an underground Zionist organization, most of the world believed reports that Arab terrorism had motivated the flight of the Iraqi Jews whom the Zionists had "rescued" really just in order to increase Israel's J ewish population.
In , for example, I organized in Israel a panel of Jewish attorneys of Iraqi origin to handle claims of Iraqi Jews who still had property in Iraq. One well — known attorney, who asked that I not give his name, confided in me that the laboratory tests in Iraq had confirmed that the anti- American leaflets found at the American Cultural Center bombing were typed on the same typewriter and duplicated on the same stenciling machine as the leaflets distributed by the Zionist movement just before the April 8th bombing.
Tests also showed that the type of explosive used in the Beit-Lawi attack matched traces of explosives found in the suitcase of an Iraqi Jew by the name of Yosef Basri. Basri, a lawyer, together with Shalom Salih, a shoemaker, would be put on trial for the attacks in December and executed the following month. Both men were members of Hashura, the military arm of the Zionist underground. Salih ultimately confessed that he, Basri and a third man, Yosef Habaza, carried out the attacks. By the time of the executions in January , all but 6, of an estimated , Iraqi Jews had fled to Israel..
Moreover, the pro-British, pro-Zionist puppet el-Said saw to it that all of their possessions were frozen, including their cash assets. There were ways of getting Iraqi Dinars out, but when the immigrants went to exchange them in Israel they found that the Israeli government kept 50 percent of the value.
Even those Iraqi Jews who had not registered to emigrate, but who happened to be abroad, faced loss of their nationality if they didn't return within a specified time. NY; Norton, , pp. The Ultimate Criminals Zionist Leaders. From the start they knew that in order to establish a Jewish state they had to expel the indigenous Palestinian population to the neighboring Islamic states and import J ews from these same states.
Theodore Herzl, the architect of Zionism, thought it could be done by social engineering. In his diary entry for 12 June , he wrote that Zionist settlers would have to "spirit the penniless population across the border by procuring employment for it in the transit countries, while denying it any employment in our own country. David Ben-Gurion, Israel's first prime minister, told a Zionist Conference in that any proposed J ewish state would have to "transfer Arab populations out of the area, if possible of their own free will, if not by coercion. In the case of Iraq, both methods were used: uneducated Jews were told of a Messianic Israel in which the blind see, the lame walk, and onions grow as big as melons; educated Jews had bombs thrown at them.
A few years after the bombings, in the early s, a book was published in Iraq, in Arabic, titled Venom of the Zionist Viper. The author was one of the Iraqi investigators of the bombings. In his book, he implicates the Israelis, specifically one of the emissaries sent by Israel, Mordechai Ben-Porat. As soon as the book came out, all copies disappeared, even from libraries. The word was that agents of the Israeli Mossad, working through the U. Embassy, bought up all the books and destroyed them. I tried on three different occasions to have one sent to me in Israel, but each time Israeli censors in the post office intercepted it.
British Leaders. Britain always acted in its best colonial interests. During WW II the British were primarily concerned with keeping their client states in the Western camp, while Zionists were most concerned with the immigration of European Jews to Palestine, even if this meant cooperating with the Nazis. After WW II the international chessboard pitted communists against capitalists. In many countries, including the United States and Iraq, Jews represented a large part of the Communist party.
In Iraq, hundreds of Jews of the working intelligentsia occupied key positions in the hierarchy of the Communist and Socialist parties.
Ben-Gurion’s Scandals: How the Haganah and the Mossad Eliminated Jews – FALASTIN Press
And if, as in Iraq, these leaders were overthrown, then an anti-Jewish riot or two could prove a useful pretext to invade the capital and reinstate the "right" leaders. Moreover, if the possibility existed of removing the communist influence from Iraq by transferring the whole Jewish community to Israel, well then, why not? Particularly if the leaders of Israel and I raq conspired in the deed. The I raqi Leaders. Toward the end of , el-Said, who had already met with Israel's Prime Minister Ben-Gurion in Vienna, began discussing with his Iraqi and British associates the need for an exchange of populations.
Iraq would send the Jews in military trucks to Israel via Jordan, and Iraq would take in some of the Palestinians Israel had been evicting. His proposal included mutual confiscation of property.
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London nixed the idea as too radical. El-Said then went to his back-up plan and began to create the conditions that would make the lives of Iraqi Jews so miserable they would leave for Israel. Still the Jews did not leave in any great numbers. One of the first things Ben-Porat did was to approach el-Said and promise him financial incentives to have a law enacted that would lift the citizenship of Iraqi Jews.
Soon after, Zionist and Iraqi representatives began formulating a rough draft of the bill, according to the model dictated by Israel through its agents in Baghdad. The bill was passed by the Iraqi parliament in March It empowered the government to issue one-time exit visas to Jews wishing to leave the country. In March, the bombings began.
Ben-Porat, who would become a Knesset member himself, denied the charge, but never sued the magazine for libel. As I said, all this went well beyond the comprehension of a teenager. I knew Jews were being killed and an organization existed that could lead us to the Promised Land.
So I helped in the exodus to Israel. Later, on occasions, I would bump into some of these Iraqi Jews in Israel. Not infrequently they'd express the sentiment that they could kill me for what I had done. The Labor party then used to organize many buses for people to visit him there, where they would see the former Prime Minister working with sheep.
But that was only for show. Really he was writing his diary and continuing to be active behind the scenes. I went on such a tour. Ben-Gurion said, "Look, boy" - I was 24 at the time - "if we have a constitution, we have to write in it the border of our country. And this is not our border, my dear. Ben-Gurion told the world that Israel accepted the partition and the Arabs rejected it. Then Israel took half of the land that was promised to the Arab state.
And still he was saying it was not enough. Israel needed more land. How can a country make peace with its neighbors if it wants to take their land? How can a country demand to be secure if it won't say what borders it will be satisfied with? For such a country, peace would be an inconvenience. I know now that from the beginning many Arab leaders wanted to make peace with Israel, but Israel always refused. Ben-Gurion covered this up with propaganda. He wanted America and Great Britain to treat Nasser like a pariah. In , it seemed that America was getting less critical of Nasser.
Then during a three-week period in July, several terrorist bombs were set off at the United States Information Agency offices in Cairo and Alexandria, a British-owned theater, and the central post office in Cairo. An attempt to firebomb a cinema in Alexandria failed when the bomb went off in the pocket of one of the perpetrators.
That led to the discovery that the terrorists were not anti- Western Egyptians, but were instead Israeli spies bent on souring the warming relationship between Egypt and the United States in what came to be known as the Lavon Affair. Ben-Gurion was still living on his kibbutz. Sharett asked Nasser to be lenient with the captured spies, and Nasser did all that was in his power to prevent a deterioration of the situation between the two countries. Later that month Israeli troops attacked Egyptian military camps and Palestinian refugees in Gaza, killing 54 and injuring many more.
The very night of the attack, Lord Orbach was on his way to deliver a message to Nasser, but was unable to get through because of the military action. When Orbach telephoned, Nasser's secretary told him the attack proved that Israel did not want peace and he was wasting his time as a mediator. In November, Ben-Gurion announced in the Knesset that he was willing to meet with Abdel Nasser anywhere and at any time for the sake of peace and understanding. The next morning the Israeli military attacked an Egyptian military camp in the Sabaha region.
Although Nasser felt pessimistic about achieving peace with Israel, he continued to send other mediators to try. Nasser told Hamilton that if only he could sit and talk with Ben-Gurion for two or three hours, they would be able to settle the conflict and end the state of war between the two countries. When word of this reached BenGurion, he arranged to meet with Hamilton. They decided to pursue the matter with the Israeli ambassador in London, Arthur Luria, as liaison. On Hamilton's third trip to Egypt, Nasser met him with the text of a Ben-Gurion speech stating that Israel would not give up an inch of land and would not take back a single refugee.
Nasser even sent his friend Ibrahim Izat of the Ruz El Yusuf weekly paper to meet with Israeli leaders in order to explore the political atmosphere and find out why the attacks were taking place if Israel really wanted peace. Giladi: Your letter reminded me of an event which I nearly forgot and of which I remember only a few details.
Ibrahim Izat came to me if I am not mistaken under the request of the Foreign Ministry or one of its branches; he stayed in my house and we spoke for many hours. I do not remember him saying that he came on a mission from Nasser, but I have no doubt that he let it be understood that this was with his knowledge or acquiescence When Nasser decided to nationalize the Suez Canal in spite of opposition from the British and the French, Radio Cairo announced in Flebrew: If the Israeli government is not influenced by the British and the French imperialists, it will eventually result in greater understanding between the two states, and Egypt will reconsider Israel's request to have access to the Suez Canal.
Israel responded that it had no designs on Egypt, but at that very moment Israeli representatives were in France planning the three-way attack that was to take place in October, This brainwashing went on until late September, , when Gamal Abdel Nasser passed away. Nasser was not the only Arab leader who wanted to make peace with Israel. There were many others. Brigadier General Abdel Karim Qasem, before he seized power in Iraq in July, , headed an underground organization that sent a delegation to Israel to make a secret agreement. Ben-Gurion refused even to see him. I learned about this when I was a journalist in Israel.
But whenever I tried to publish even a small part of it, the censor would stamp it "Not Allowed. Netanyahu and the Likud are setting up Arafat by demanding that he institute increasingly more repressive measures in the interest of Israeli "security. Then the Israeli government will say, "See, we were ready to give him everything.
You can't trust those Arabs-they kill each other. Now there's no one to even talk to about peace. Certainly it has been easier for the world to accept the Zionist lie that Jews were evicted from Muslim lands because of anti-Semitism, and that Israelis, never the Arabs, were the pursuers of peace. The truth is far more discerning: bigger players on the world stage were pulling the strings. These players, I believe, should be held accountable for their crimes, particularly when they willfully terrorized, dispossessed and killed innocent people on the altar of some ideological imperative.
I believe, too, that the descendants of these leaders have a moral responsibility to compensate the victims and their descendants, and to do so not just with reparations, but by setting the historical record straight. That is why I established a panel of inquiry in Israel to seek reparations for Iraqi Jews who had been forced to leave behind their property and possessions in Iraq. That is why I joined the Black Panthers in confronting the Israeli government with the grievances of the Jews in Israel who came from Islamic lands.
And that is why I have written my book: to set the historical record straight. We Jews from Islamic lands did not leave our ancestral homes because of any natural enmity between J ews and Muslims. And we Arabs - I say Arabs because that is the language my wife and I still speak at home - we Arabs on numerous occasions have sought peace with the State of the Jews. And finally, as a U. His father was a fervent Zionist and his home was the center of Zionist activity. As a young man he traveled throughout Poland speaking on behalf of the Po'alei Zion movement. In September he settled in Palestine.
He was elected to the central committee of Po'alei Zion and in October took part in a conference at Ramleh which formulated the party's first platform in a distinct Marxist spirit in accordance with Ber Borochov's teachings. His early years were spent formulating the basics of what he considered to be important aspects of Zionism. Hebrew was to be the official language, and in settling the land, they would organize as a political force that would strive for Jewish autonomy in Palestine.
In , Ben-Gurion went to study in Turkey. When World War I broke out, he and his party favored loyalty to Turkey and adoption of Ottoman citizenship. However, with the advent of persecutions by the Turkish administration he was arrested and accused of conspiring against the Ottoman rule in order to establish a Jewish state. In , Ben-Gurion proceeded to New York to establish the Ha-Halutz, an organization to prepare young boys for settlement in Palestine after the war. He volunteered for the British army and became a soldier in the Jewish Legion.
There he met volunteers from the labor movement in Palestine and began to prepare for Jewish mass immigration and settlement for the time when it was liberated from Ottoman rule. In , at the 13th conference of Po'alei Zion in Palestine, Ben-Gurion called for a plan to unite Jewish workers in Palestine and abroad to form a political force to direct a Zionist movement toward the establishment of a socialist society based upon the collectivist principle embodied in the Kibbutz movement.
The years from to were spent developing relations that would establish the Labor Party as the dominant one. There was resistance to the right-wing organization of Vladimir Jabotinsky Revisionist movement. In an attempt to prevent a split in the Zionist movement, he reached a tentative agreement with Jabotinsky. This agreement was rejected by members of the Histradrut, which Ben-Gurion regarded as a "grave error. His position was shared by Weizmann and Moshe Sharett, but many of his closest colleagues were among its opponents.
When the British government abandoned the partition plan, Ben-Gurion participated in political negotiations held by the British in London with Jews and Arabs separately the "Round Table" talks , which ended in with the publication of the White Paper of Ben-Gurion called for active resistance to its implementation and proposed the intensification of "illegal" immigration involving incidents with British coastal guards and settlement of land in areas prohibited to Jews. The protest ended when Italy entered the war, opening a second front against the British in the Mediterranean.
Ben-Gurion then set out on a political propaganda campaign mainly in the United States. In May he headed the group that drew up the Biltmore Program which called for a new political program and the opening of Palestine to Jewish immigration and settlement.
When dissident underground organizations Irgun Zvai Leumi IZL and Lohamei Herut Israel Lehi organized armed attacks against the British government in Palestine toward the end of the war, Ben-Gurion ordered the yishuv institutions and the Haganah to take vigorous measures to curb them. He even went so far as to cooperate with the British authorities to apprehend members of the dissident organizations-a step which aroused much controversy in the ranks of the Haganah.
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In the months immediately following the war he ordered the Haganah leaders to begin acquiring large quantities of arms in preparation for the contingency of an armed clash with the Arabs. He opposed the moderate elements in the Zionist movement that favored an attempt to reach a compromise with the British. But he did give the order to halt the armed struggle in Palestine. His Policy was approved at the 22nd Zionist Congress December when Weizmann failed to be reelected as president of the World Zionist Organization. Ben-Gurion was re-elected as chairman of the Jewish Agency Executive and was also given the defense portfolio.
He spent the remainder of the time between and the war of independence in December strengthening the Haganah for effective resistance. During the course of the war he structured the Israeli Army which was officially formed in May He had to decide between two systems in the Haganah, represented mainly by the commanders of the Palmach and veterans of the British Army. He also had to deal with the activities of the dissident organization that was finally liquidated in the summer of after the Altalena See Irgun Zvai Leumi episode and the murder of Count Bernadotte.
Ben-Gurion ordered the disbanding of the Palmach units in the general framework of the army. This factor was a decisive one which determined the borders of the state: the conquest of the northern Negev October , the retreat from Sinai January and the occupation of Eilat March He became Prime Minister and Defense Minister in the provisional government continuing in these posts after the election to the first Knesset in As no single party obtained a majority, he formed a coalition government which set the pattern for future governments.
In December he declared Jerusalem the capital of Israel. In the following years, Ben-Gurion devoted most of his efforts to strengthening the army and establishing civilian control over it. He was a formative influence on the emergent character of the state of Israel. In December Ben-Gurion announced his resignation from the government.
He joined the new non-party Kibbutz Sedeh Boker in the heart of the Negev. With terrorist activity within her borders, Ben-Gurion decided upon systematic reprisal actions beyond the armistice lines. After the elections of November , he again assumed the twofold functions of Prime Minister and Minister of Defense. He established close relations with France and these ties became closer when Nasser antagonized the western powers by nationalizing the Suez Canal in July of In October Ben-Gurion went to France for a secret meeting with representatives of the French and British governments at which time a concerted military action against Egypt was planned.
On October 29, the Israeli Army moved into the Sinai Peninsula and within a week the military objectives had been achieved. Ben-Gurion withdrew the forces of the Israeli arms from Sinai and the Gaza Strip as a result of heavy international pressure, especially from the United States and the Soviet Union. After the Sinai campaign Ben-Gurion's efforts were directed to consolidating Israel's international position. His policy of obtaining economic and military aid from West Germany aroused public controversy.
During his election campaign at the end of the main issue was electoral reform to solve Israel's political ills. The elections produced no significant change in the composition of the Knesset and has remained in place to the present date.
In September the government was shaken by the "Lavon Affair. Lavon demanded that his name be cleared and a commission of seven ministers who examined the relevant documents acquitted him of any responsibility in the affair. Ben-Gurion refused to accept this verdict. He submitted his resignation in January and requested that his party choose between himself and Lavon. Mapai received fewer votes in the elections of August and it was with great difficulty that Ben-Gurion succeeded in forming a new coalition government.
In June of Ben-Gurion again resigned from the government, recommending Levi Eshkol as his successor. He again retired to Sedeh Boker and started writing the history of the birth of Israel. He renewed his advocacy of a change in the electoral system, expressed his opposition to the alignment between Mapai and Ahdut ha-Avodah, and attacked Levi Eshkol and other members of the government.
Ben-Gurion did not participate and did not join the new party. He continued his demand for a renewed inquiry into the "Lavon Affair". Ben-Gurion remained a solitary figure whose preeminent and single-minded role in the establishment and building of the state assured him a unique position in public life and in the affection of the people. In the October of elections to the Knesset, Ben-Gurion and a group of his followers received four mandates, retaining a strong oppositional attitude toward the alignment of the Israel Labor Party and Mapam.
Ben-Gurion resigned from the Knesset the following year. Ben-Gurion's personality embodied great spiritual forces and tremendous will power. As an orator, publicist and forceful debater, he strove to strengthen both the labor movement in Israel and the Zionist movement; also to organize institutions designed to advance their objectives. His intellectual interests were wide, embracing not only a thorough study of the Bible but also Greek philosophy, Buddhism and the philosophy of Spinoza.
From his youth he insisted that Zionism could be realized only by personal presence in Eretz Israel. After the founding of the state, he bitterly attacked the Zionists who remained in the Diaspora. Both admirers and opponents, Jews and non-Jews have regarded Ben-Gurion as foremost among the founding fathers of modern Israel. The foregoing is a summary of the public biography of David Ben-Gurion. However, there are many parts that to date remain secret and have never been published. During Ben-Gurion's term as Secretary or Chairman of the Zionist Organization or as Israeli Prime Minister and Defense Minister, many positive actions were taken- as were other actions that caused great harm to the State and people of Israel.
Ben-Gurion was a controversial figure throughout his life. His admirers note his prominent role in the forming of the IDF and the establishment of the State of Israel. Others hold him responsible for some of the regional isolation of the State as well as many actions which were harmful to the Jews and to the Israeli people, some of which have not been rectified to this day. It is not for me to present the positive actions he took or ordered to be taken. My job as a critic is to expose the negative deeds he carried out or ordered to be carried out.
Favoring the transfer agreement between the Zionist Organization and the government of Nazi Germany and selling German goods despite the decision by world Jews to boycott these goods. With Ben-Gurion's knowledge and permission, Eichmann was invited for talks in Palestine and Egypt with representatives of the Jewish Agency. Brand new Book. About this title Synopsis: Painful truths about the Zionist rape of Palestine and deliberate planting of anti-Semitism in Iraqi Jewish communities during David Ben-Gurion's political career to persuade Iraqi Jews to immigrate to Israel.
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The Zionists' goal was to import raw Jewish labor from the Middle East to farm the newly-vacated lands and fill the military ranks with conscripts, to defend the stolen lands. Get A Copy. Paperback , pages. Published October 22nd by Dandelion Enterprises first published July More Details Original Title. Other Editions 3. Friend Reviews. To see what your friends thought of this book, please sign up. To ask other readers questions about Ben-Gurion's Scandals , please sign up.
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